The Civil War was one of the most pivotal events in the history of the United States. The bloody four-year conflict between 1861 and 1865 saw the mobilization of huge armies by both sides. According to reliable figures, the North, or the Union, had more than two million men serve in its forces, while the South, or the Confederacy, had a little under one million men under arms. The number of guerrillas or other irregular elements cannot be pinpointed accurately.

Even though the United States is a land of immigrants, it is often overlooked or outright ignored that many of the combatants on both sides were of foreign birth. While virtually every European nationality was represented in the ranks, Germans and Irish constituted the bulk of the non-natives.

At the start of the Civil War the Hungarian population of the United States was around 3,000 according to the best estimates. Most of them were political refugees who came in the aftermath of the unsuccessful 1848-49 War of Liberation led by the charismatic patriot Lajos Kossuth. They represented the first large emigration from Hungary to the United States. Kossuth himself, after an internment of two years in the Ottoman Empire, came to the United States in December 1851 and toured the country until July 1852. But he didn't remain; he settled in England to be closer to European political developments. His visit to America, fraught with political implications relevant even nowadays, is discussed in a large array of books and scholarly treatises. Kossuth was among those honored by the US Post Office in the Champion of Liberty series issued in the 1950s.

The number of Hungarians in the armed forces of the North and South cannot be established precisely; however, available data suggests that a figure of 250 - 300 would be reasonably accurate. The identity of more than one hundred officers can be readily established. The bulk of the Hungarians were enrolled in the Union army; only a truly handful fought for the Confederacy.

The best known and most written about Hungarian participants were Alexander Asboth, Kossuth faithful companion, major-general by brevet, and US minister to Argentina after the war; Major-General Julius Stahel, awarded the Medal of Honor for his role in the battle of Piedmont, Virginia, in 1864, and US consul in the Far East for nearly two decades; and Charles Zagonyi, commander of General John C. Fremont's Body Guard and leader of the famous charge at Springfield, Missouri, on October 25, 1861. Also a favorite of authors is the flamboyant scamp Frederick George D'Utassy, the original colonel of the 39th New York Infantry (Garibaldi Guard).

Some involved in the conflict have not received much publicity. One of these is Ignatz Kappner, whose story deserves to be better known.

Thanks largely to the vast émigré literature of the 1850s, there is an extensive body about the pre-Civil War lives of most Hungarians who came to the United States. This is especially true for older individuals and veterans of the events of 1848-49. But there are notable exceptions and Ignatz Kappner is among these. While émigré writings contain practically nothing useful about him, they do provide some valuable, albeit brief, details about his father, Ferenc Kappner. The elder Kappner, an officer in the War of Liberation, was Kossuth's major domo during the Turkish internment. It's also recorded that he carried out a number of sensitive missions for Kossuth in the Near East. Departing from Asia Minor in the early 1850s, he reputedly sailed to Great Britain. At this point, he vanishes from the émigré literature. Not long afterwards, Ignatz Kappner begins to be mentioned in American newspapers and other publications as living in New York City. However, when and how he arrived aren't discussed.

According to the various notices, Kappner was an active member of the Mercantile Library Association and served on the Regular Nominating Committee. Apparently he possessed a certain measure of technical talent and the spirit for innovations because the list of patents issued by the United States Patent Office for the week ending November 15, 1859, denotes I. G. Kappner, a resident of New York City, for an improved billiard table. Later recollections by friends and acquaintances has him involved in various business ventures.

After the Confederate bombardment of Fort Sumter, Kappner enrolled in the 7th New York State Militia, one of the three-month regiments responding to President Abraham Lincoln's initial call for troops to suppress the rebellion. Frederick Phisterer's New York in the War of the Rebellion gives his age at this time as 34. The men left New York City for Washington, DC on April 19, 1861 and were mustered into service on April 26. Kappner and his comrades were mustered out on June 3, 1861 upon returning to the Big Apple.

Afterwards Kappner departed for St. Louis, Missouri, where a group of Hungarians were serving under General John C. Fremont, commander of the Western Department. By the way, Ignatz Kappner should not be confused with Franz Kappner. This other Kappner, a former Prussian officer, supervised the construction of the controversial forts ringing St. Louis during General Fremont's tenure.

Kappner enrolled in the Engineering Regiment of the West, Missouri Volunteers, headed by Colonel J. W. Bissell, and was commissioned first-lieutenant on March 25, 1863. His affiliation with this unit was very brief; he transferred to the United States Colored Troops and was immediately entrusted with recruiting around Memphis.

Memphis, the leading city of western Tennessee and an important port on the Mississippi River, had been wrested from the Confederacy in the summer of 1862 after Tennessee's defenses collapsed following the battle of Shiloh. Memphis was abandoned by the Southern troops; only a squadron of eight converted steamboats was left to protect the city when a fleet of twenty four Union gunboats appeared on June 6. The uneven naval engagement lasted less than two hours. The people of Memphis accepted Northern occupation grudgingly and resented the military rule that accompanied it. During wartime occupation the city became a center of cotton smuggling and rampant profiteering.

Kappner's recruiting efforts were successful and in recognition he was mustered in as colonel of the regiment formed - initially called the 1st Tennessee Heavy Artillery (African Descent) and later renamed the 3rd United States Colored Heavy Artillery - on September 3, 1863.

He was also appointed commander of Fort Pickering, one of the strongholds protecting Memphis. The order to this effect, contained in a communiqué dated October 17, 1863 from Assistant Adjutant General James O. Pierce, read: ". . . on the departure of Colonel Murray, assume command of Fort Pickering. You will make immediate arrangements to relieve the guards now on duty at the fort with the soldiers of your command. . . . You will report to the general commanding department for further instructions."

Due to Kappner's guidance the 3rd U.S. Colored Heavy Artillery was acknowledged to be one of the best trained regiments. He not only looked after the welfare of his black soldiers, but also cared deeply for their families.

Although Memphis was under Federal control and ringed by forts, the hold of the occupying bluecoats was tenuous, far from firm. One reason for this was the hostility of the locals and the other was the constant threat of a sudden attack by Confederate guerrillas and irregulars.

Operating in central and western Tennessee was one of the true geniuses of the war, Nathan Bedford Forrest. Although he had little formal education, his innate abilities made him one of America's greatest military leaders. Forrest and his cavalrymen were dreaded by isolated Union garrisons and detachments. Relying on swift movements, uncanny strategy, and persuasive bluff, Forrest was a most formidable foe. Early in the war he garnered laurels in several engagements. In the summer of 1862 he and another legendary horseman, John Hunt Morgan, were instrumental in facilitating the temporary invasion of Kentucky by the armies of Braxton Bragg and Edmund Kirby-Smith.

The North as well as the South appreciated the immense military importance of the mighty Mississippi. Consequently both sides of the river were dotted with fortifications during the war. One of these strongholds was Fort Pillow, some fifty miles north of Memphis. On this site occurred what many have labeled the atrocity of the war, on April 12, 1864.

Situated on a high bluff overlooking the river, Fort Pillow was constructed by the Confederates in the early days of the war. Named after General Gideon Pillow, it was abandoned when defenses further north crumpled in the spring of 1862. When the fort was taken over by Federal troops, it underwent various modifications. The site became a hub of pro-Union activities in the area.

On that fateful day the garrison numbered about 600 men, approximately half-of them African-Americans and the other half mainly white anti-secessionist Tennesseans. Major Lionel F. Booth was in charge and his second-in-command was Major William Bradford, a young and inexperienced officer. The gunboat New Era patrolled the nearby section of the river and added to the defense of the fort.

Early in the morning of April 12 Forrest invested Fort Pillow with a force numbering 1,500. Though somewhat surprised, the garrison met the attack forcefully. Nevertheless the Confederates managed to drive in the pickets and occupy the outer rifle pits. Enemy sharpshooters took a heavy toll on the defenders. Among the casualties was Major Booth, felled by a bullet around nine o'clock. Whereupon Major Bradford assumed command. The gunboat tried to repel the invaders but due to the high river bank its fire was ineffectual.

News of Forrest's presence quickly reached Memphis and General Stephen Hurlbut, in charge of the District of West Tennessee, told General R. P. Buckland, commander of the Memphis garrison, to send reinforcements to Fort Pillow. "Promptness, is all important," emphasized Hurlbut. Buckland, in turn, ordered Kappner and his 55th U.S. Colored Infantry to embark immediately on the steamer Glendal.

Kappner's superiors assured him that with all the available troops plus "the great natural strength of the place, you should be able to hold it." Further instructions read: "Immediately upon landing, ascertain as nearly as you can from Major Booth the precise state of affairs, and send report to Cairo and here. If you find on approaching Fort Pillow that it has unfortunately been taken, you will request the officer of the gunboat to reconnoiter as closely as possible, and develop some accurate idea of the strength of the enemy, and return. If you succeed in reinforcing the fort in time it must be held at all hazards and to the last man. Report immediately and by every boat that passes."

By the time the Federal relief forces, by land and water, arrived at the fort, it was too late.
The victorious Confederates had departed, carrying off with them everything the fort had contained in the shape of guns or stores and retreated to Ashport. Ruin and desolation were everywhere and the grotesquely mangled bodies scattered on the battlefield were stark evidence of a grisly slaughter. The casualty tabulation indicated that 64% of the black troopers lost their lives and about 31% of the whites died.

Only when a few lucky survivors emerged did a reasonably coherent picture of the terrible events emerge. According to their statements, casualties rose at an alarming rate after the death of Major Booth. Losses in officers, killed or wounded, was especially high. Later in the afternoon Forrest sent an ultimatum demanding surrender. Although Major Bradford had to intention to capitulate, he agreed to an hour of truce to mull over the proposition. According to historians unsympathetic towards Forrest, the Confederates used this interlude to clandestinely move into even more advantageous positions. Partisans of Forrest dispute this, insisting that the attackers had already gained the decisive positions ensure victory and it was foolhardy for the Federals to continue battling under such circumstances. Fighting resumed when Major Bradford formally rejected the call for surrender. However, the fray was brief; within minutes the Confederates overran the fort and were in control.

At this juncture, the Federal soldiers, black and white, largely bereft of officers to guide them, panicked and scattered. Some tried to make their way to the river bank to obtain the protection of the gunboat, only to find that the vessel had left. They made easy targets for Confederate pistols and rifles and suffered an appalling rate of casualties. Some bluecoats hid as best as they could and a few continued fighting.

The prevailing version of events has the Confederates at this point shooting, killing and mutilating defenders, even those who had surrendered and were without weapons. Those who accept that a massacre had taken place inevitably attribute any atrocities to a few of Forrest's men who became berserk at the sight of former slaves in arms and white Tennesseans whom they regarded as traitors.

Forrest's role in these chaotic moments has never been conclusively established. Some claimed that he was trying to stop the wanton killings; others have him standing by indifferently. Among the few captives taken was Major Bradford, a Tennessean from the same community as Forrest. Later he was separated from the other captives and by all accounts murdered.

A reporter for the St. Louis Missouri Democrat who arrived on the scene shortly after the battle wrote: "I have witnessed many revolting results of war, but can assure your readers that the conduct of the rebels, towards our little garrison at Fort Pillow, beggars all description, for fiendish brutality and savage treachery." Virtually every Northern newspaper carried accounts of the massacre in the ensuing days, describing in graphic details the slaughter and clamoring for swift revenge. At the inauguration exercises on April 18 President Abraham Lincoln reiterated that the government would not fail to implement retribution when the facts were clearly proven.

Confederate military and civil authorities vehemently denied the occurrence of any atrocities, labeling such accusations as nothing more than vicious propaganda. Forrest himself attributed the high fatality rate to the refusal of the Federals to surrender.

The end of the war did not close the Fort Pillow incident and Forrest's role. Writings representing a wide range of opinions continued to mushroom unabated. Some were nothing more than a repetition of the hysterical broadsides of the war, but also generated was a multitude of carefully researched, compelling accounts supported by a substantial array of testimonials, documents and statistics. Generally speaking, Southerners were solidly behind Forrest, while Northerners denounced him.

Not all Northerners vilified Forrest. For example, General William T. Sherman's memoirs offer this generous assessment of the events: "No doubt that Forrest's men acted like a set of barbarians, shooting down the helpless negro garrison after the fort was in their possession; but I'm told that Forrest personally disclaims any active participation in the assault, . . . I also take for granted that Forrest did not lead the assault in person, . . . I was told by hundreds of our men, who were at various times prisoners in Forrest's possession, that he was unusually kind to them."

James Phelan's History of Tennessee, the Making of a State, released in the late 1880's, contains but a brief and gushing reference to Forrest: "The war between the States brought to the surface many men of strong character and pronounced individuality. But the most brilliant, the most original, the most attractive, the most dashing was N. B. Forrest, a Tennessean." The Fort Pillow episode is absent from the book and the entire Civil War is glossed over and dismissed with the terse and startling comment: " The period of the war was practically a blank, in so far as the history of Tennessee is concerned." Making events and persons into "unevents" and "unpersons" has been and remains an essential ploy in the arsenal of Communist historians. Obviously they do not have a monopoly.

The entire Fort Pillow episode remains controversial and continues to hold the fascination of history buffs of diverse persuasions. However, it appears that most interested parties are content with the verdict of the much respected historian James Truslow Adams: "Of the subsequent massacre there is no doubt, and whites and blacks were indiscriminately slaughtered. Only fourteen Confederates were killed whereas the Union dead numbered several hundred. Although there is no evidence that Forrest gave the order for the massacre, he was on the ground, the engagement was a small one, his troops outnumbered the enemy three to one, and the responsibility must be placed upon him and the other Southern officers."

On Tuesday, April 27, 1864, Fort Pickering hosted a grand memorial service honoring the fallen at Fort Pillow. Lizzie Booth, Major Booth's widow, was the center of attention and she delivered an impassioned speech, at the end which she raised a tattered, blood-soaked Stars and Stripes and exclaimed: "I have given to my country all I had to give -my husband - such a gift! Yet I have freely give him for freedom and my country. Next to my husband's cold remains, the next dearest object left to me in the world, is this flag the flag that waved in proud defiance over the works of Fort Pillow! Soldiers! This flag I give to you, knowing that you will ever remember the last words of my noble husband - Never surrender the Flag to Traitors!"

Several other dignitaries spoke in a similar vein. Kappner also addressed the assemblage.
In a brief and restrained speech, he declared that he was in favor of such retaliatory acts as justice and laws of warfare require in case of such fiendish and wicked cruelty. "Remember Fort Pillow" became a battle cry for African-American soldiers.

Forrest remained an unpredictable and dangerous foe. On August 21, 1864, he orchestrated a spectacular foray into the very heart of Memphis. The daring raid, Forrest reasoned, would force Union troops operating in the greater vicinity to rush back to defend the city. Playing conspicuous roles in the raid were two of his brothers, Colonel Jesse Forrest and Captain Bill Forrest. Slipping past the Federal outposts and patrols, the Confederates moved swiftly towards their predetermined targets. A leading one was the Gayoso House, the city's finest hotel and residence of many Federal officers. The invaders also desired to capture the three Union generals known to be in Memphis: the aforementioned Hurlbut and Buckland as well as Cadwallader C. Washburn, Hurlbut's successor as head of the Department of Western Tennessee. When the locals became aware of the Confederate cavalrymen sweeping through the streets, they came out by the hundreds to cheer them. According most accounts, ladies spearheaded the ebullient demonstrations.

Forrest's men successfully stormed the Gayoso House and took a large number of prisoners. However, they were unable to bag any of the three generals. By the time the assailants entered General Washburn's residence, he was safely ensconced in Fort Pickering. Forrest was a daredevil but not a fool and had no intention to assault a fort bristling with 97 guns. The raid on the Washburn apartments netted only the general's resplendent new uniform. Following pre-arranged plans, the Confederates exited the city with their booty and prisoners.

The brazen incursion left the Federal military brass, politicians and the press aghast. Accusations of neglect and incompetence flew freely. The raid, the last large-scale operation conducted by the Confederates in west Tennessee, thoroughly frustrated, demoralized, and embarrassed the North. Several newspaper articles referred to this foray as a most curious affair and wondered how Forrest was able to carry it out: "The great work defending Memphis - Fort Pickering - is located a mile or two south of the city, . . . The garrison must either have been all sound asleep on that early morning, or the rebels must have struck down from the northeast," opined the New York Times, August 25, 1864. But the best remark about the sorry episode came from General Hurlbut who said: "They removed me from command because I couldn't keep Forrest out of West Tennessee, and now Washburn can't keep him out of his own bedroom!"

The surrender of General Robert E. Lee and the Army of Northern Virginia to General Ulysses S. Grant on April 9, 1865 at Appomattox Court House signaled the end of the war for all practical purposes. Other Southern armies followed suit. Thousands of freed Union prisoners-of-war began the long trek home. One of the major routes was up the Mississippi River.

At seven o'clock in the evening of April 26, 1865, the Sultana, hailed as "one of the largest and best business steamers ever constructed," docked at Memphis. Measuring 260 ft. from bow to stern, with a beam of 42 ft., the vessel was powered by four high-pressure boilers. Bound northward on the river, the vessel was packed with Union soldiers recently released from Southern prisoner-of-war camps. According to estimates, there were some two thousand individuals on board, all of them anxious to reach home and be reunited with their loved ones.

After loading and unloading cargo, the vessel crossed the river to replenish her coal supply. Having accomplished this, the boat began moving northward, towards Cairo, Illinois. With Memphis about eight miles to the rear around two o'clock in the morning, one of the boilers exploded with a deafening noise. Then two more blew up. The vessel was quickly enveloped in a fiery inferno.

In the ensuing panic many were trampled to death in the desperate attempt to escape from the conflagration. Hundreds, some horribly scalded by steam and others disfigured by flying debris, jumped into the dark cold river. The rain-swollen, fast-moving muddy water became full of struggling men, horses and mules. The powerful current bore the living and dead bodies back towards Memphis. The injured, the weak, and those unable to swim were quickly claimed by the water. Only the best of swimmers, aided by the flotsam of the wreck, were able to reach safety.

Kappner and his men, as thoroughly recorded in the War of the Rebellion, the "Bible" of the Civil War, rushed to the shore and plucked hundreds of living and dead bodies from the swiftly moving water. They rendered whatever aid and comfort they could summon. Kappner was one of the principal authors of official reports describing the horrendous events.

The exact number who lost their lives has never been ascertained, but the best estimates peg the figure around 1,500. The Memphis Argus called it "the most appalling disaster in the marine annals of America, if not the world." To this very day the sinking of the Sultana remains one of the great ship tragedies on record.

Kappner and the 3rd U.S. Colored Heavy Artillery were mustered out on April 30, 1866. For his services with the United States Colored Troops (USCT) his name is inscribed on the African-American Civil War Memorial; it appears on plaque number A-8.

Readjusting to civilian life wasn't easy for many of the veterans, particularly for those who sustained severe wounds or had their health undermined by disease. The massive demobilization also exerted a profound economic dislocation; a post-war slump countless thousands scurrying to make a decent living. To represent their interests politically and to maintain friendships formed during the conflict, veterans on both sides formed a host of organizations, local as well as national. Two of the most formidable and influential were GAR (Grand Army of the Republic) and MOLLUS (Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States).

Kappner became a member of MOLLUS as did five other Hungarians. These others were Ladislas Zulavsky, one of the nephews of Lajos Kossuth and colonel of the 82nd US Colored Infantry; the aforementioned Julius Stahel, George Pomutz, lieutenant-colonel of the 15th Iowa Infantry and brigadier-general by brevet; Peter Paul Dobozy, lieutenant-colonel of the 4th US Colored Heavy Artillery; and Frederick Knefler, colonel of the 79th Indiana Infantry, brigadier-general by brevet, and a life-long friend of General Lew Wallace, the author of Ben-Hur and other classics.

Following demobilization, Kappner moved to the northwestern Missouri city of St. Joseph. As chronicled in several local history books, he quickly became a leading and valued member of the community. Upon the chartering of the German Savings Bank in the spring of 1869, Kappner became its cashier. To erect a much needed bridge over the Missouri River, a number of prominent citizens, Kappner among them, formed the St. Joseph Bridge Building Company in 1870. Kappner served as city treasurer from 1870 to 1873 and belonged to the Improvement & Manufacturers' Aid Association of St. Joseph, an organization founded in 1871.

Map of Missouri: St. Joseph - upper left hand corner, close to Iowa;
St. Louis, on the right hand side in the middle

Even though life was pleasant and rewarding in St. Joseph, Kappner decided to relocate to St. Louis, where he became business manager of the Post-Dispatch, a newspaper owned by fellow émigré Joseph Pulitzer. Born in 1847 at the city of Makó, Pulitzer left Hungary at the age of 17. After serving with the 1st New York (Lincoln) Cavalry during the Civil War, he embarked on his amazing career which culminated in journalistic immortality.

Upon acquiring the Post-Dispatch, Pulitzer immediately proclaimed that the paper would be truthful, objective, non-partisan, and the conscience of the general public. He began exposing political chicanery, business frauds, favoritism, and various other unsavory practices.

Pulitzer's editorials gained the admiration of many but only anger from those targeted. When threats against him escalated beyond words, Pulitzer started packing a gun. Several employees followed his example. On October 13, 1882, a vehement confrontation ensued between managing editor John Cockerill and Colonel Alonzo Slayback, a noted lawyer and Democratic politician, who burst into the Post-Dispatch offices and demanded satisfaction over certain comments and allegations printed in the paper. (Pulitzer was away in New York City.) According to the startled and horrified eyewitnesses, the verbal exchange became very passionate. Just exactly what triggered the fatal encounter and what precisely transpired during the crucial moments were impossible to ascertain because those present rendered conflicting stories. About the only fact definitely established was that Cockerill grabbed his gun and shot Slayback who died within minutes. Seven weeks later a grand jury declined to bring an indictment against Cockerill because testimonies indicated that Slayback was armed when he barged into the offices of the paper and made threats. Because the slain man was a convivial individual enjoying a large measure of popularity the verdict incurred the displeasure of many citizens.

Whether Kappner went around armed while performing his duties isn't recorded. However, apparently all the violent quarrels were confined to the editorial department; compared to it, the business department was oasis of tranquility.

In 1883 Pulitzer expanded his horizons by acquiring the World in New York City and made that paper even more influential than the Post-Dispatch. Pulitzer's lasting impact on journalism, his generous gifts to the public, and his legacy are recounted in several scholarly biographies and a myriad of articles. In recognition of his contributions, the US Post Office honored Pulitzer with a stamp in 1947, the 100th anniversary of his birth.

Pulitzer, like others endowed with a particular genius, was not without foibles and peculiarities. He was reluctant to delegate authority due to his perfectionism and quite justified knowledge that he was a better newspaperman than any of his employees. Even though "he had John Dillon, Ignaz Kappner and Henry Moore as publisher, business manager and managing editor of the Post-Dispatch - all men of ability - and yet he demanded weekly reports from them complete down to minor details," writes W. A. Swanberg, one of Pulitzer's biographers. He cites a case in which Kappner was afraid to replace a worn-out swivel chair without the boss's permission.

Due to his prominence in the community, Kappner often made the news and appeared in the social columns of the city's newspapers. For example, the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, February 5, 1886, reported that Kappner was surprised and delighted when the Michel Plant and Seed Company sent him a basket of beautiful flowers as he was celebrating his 59th birthday.

Kappner was in frequent contact with the other Hungarian residing in St. Louis. Among them were Anselm Albert and John Fiala, both colonels on the staff of General Fremont in the Western Department as well as in the Mountain Department, and the four Rombauer brothers - Robert, Roderick Emil, Raphael Guido and Roland - likewise veterans of the Civil War and later important figures in business, public service and academia.

In a newspaper interview some years after Kappner's death, Mrs. Robert Rombauer, born Emilia Hogl and widow of Count Theodore Dembinski, recalled the long-gone days when she shared the Turkish internment with Kossuth and Ferenc Kappner, Ignatz's father. Among the adventures she recounted was an assignment she partook with the elder Kappner and Madame Josepha Waagner, another exile. The three of them masqueraded as a family by the name of Bloomfield, with Emilia acting the part of the daughter while Ferenc and Josepha pretended to be her parents.

While Ignatz Kappner was an esteemed citizen of St. Louis, his son Frank was completely the opposite. A confirmed alcoholic by his own admission, Frank often made the newspapers for drunkenness, brawling, and disorderly conduct. Even a self-imposed exile to Guatemala for several years, undertaken in order to get away from his drinking buddies, failed to curb his penchant for liquor. Boozing also deteriorated his relations with his wife and his marital squabbles and eventual divorce were freely aired in the local media.

Kappner died in his home, South Eighth Street, on October 20, 1891, aged 65 years. His remains were cremated. At the accompanying ceremonies, Judge Seymour D. Thompson made an eloquent and touching speech, dwelling on Kappner's faithful military service and his many accomplishments in civilian life.

Several newspaper carried news of his passing; those in The Republic (St. Louis), the Morning World-Herald (Omaha, Nebraska) the Chicago Herald were all dated October 21. He was not forgotten by his old comrades; at a MOLLUS meeting held on February 6, 1892, resolutions of respect to Kappner's memory were read.

Notes & Comments: Most American writings have Kappner's given name as Ignatz (Ignác in Hungarian), but some have it as Ignotus, Ignatius, Ignaz, etc. Frequently, he is denoted by initials as I. G. Kappner. None of the many sources consulted in the preparation of this essay gave even the faintest clue as to what the "G" stood for.